URBAN GENESIS AT CHACO: Case Study of the Origin of Civilizations. Chapters: 1 2 3 4 5 6
Eventually the aboveground bins became both the prototype and a
component of a new dwelling form. Storage bins were enclosed as small
rectangular rooms in the early eighth century. These aboveground rooms
began to be built in contiguous rows that were three to five rooms
wide(see figure 3.4). The whole row was arranged either in a straight
line or a slight arc, concave toward the south (Sebastian 1992:27).
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Site 29SJ627 (1986: 439, 453 after Truell 1981) |
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Site 29SJ625 (1986:438, 448 after Vivian 1965) |
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Site 29SJ 629 (1986: 440, 455 after Windes 1978) |
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Comparative Development of three Small SitesChaco Canyon, N.M. (after McKenna and Truell 1986) |
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Although late in appearing together with the pithouse, ramadas may actually be the oldest Puebloan built form. If hunters and gatherers were using ramadas before the fifth century, the basic structure of the ramada may have served as the prototype for the pithouse roof frame. Unfortunately, the postholes of ancient ramadas by themselves are exceedingly difficult to find and identify. For lack of firm archaeological evidence, this sequence of design development can only be inferred. In any case, by the seventh century ramadas had become a regular domestic feature, as an extension of the aboveground row of rooms.
Exactly how this dwelling form was used over the course of seasons is unknown. It is generally assumed that pithouses were inhabited during the winter, but during the summer the pithouse-makers probably spent most of the day outside of the pithouse. Furthermore, the people may have spent extended periods away from the pithouse altogether: either tending remote fields, gathering nuts and herbs, or hunting small game and deer in the mountains. Perhaps only a few members of the family or band remained at the dwelling on a permanent basis while the rest became seasonally nomadic between the time of planting and the time of harvest. What is clear, though, is that over time the pattern of use of the dwelling changed. The addition of ramadas next to an enlarged row of grain-bins implies that a lot of daily activity began to take place in this area just outside of the pithouse. By the ninth century, firepits and meal-grinding slabs were common features under the ramada. Meanwhile, pithouses had become more perfectly circular, and deeper. Metates and food-storage cists became increasingly rare, and the from-grade entrance top the pithouse was remodeled into an air vent. Essentially, the pithouse was redesigned into a small version of the Big Pithouse of a village. Since this new form may not have domestic, it is often referred to as a pit structure. The rectilinear rooms had taken over the role as both domestic architecture and continued their initial function as storerooms.
As the aboveground room-blocks grew in size, a regular pattern of development emerged. Initial storage bins were enclosed in pairs to form three, four, or occasionally five very small rooms. During the late eighth or early ninth centuries, the ramadas in front of this original row were also enclosed to make larger rooms. The space in front of this new room, in turn, became the outdoor extension of the dwelling. Since this sequence of development was occurring simultaneously along a row of dwellings, a series of attached, one-story rowhouses were developing. I shall refer to this row of rectilinear, above-ground rooms as a room-block after Lekson (1984).
The room-block-pit structure form of dwelling became the standard dwelling of the Southwest after AD 750. Plog (1983) and Gorman and Childs (1980-1981) noted that the form of these settlements were very consistent across a wide area of the Colorado Plateau region . "Prudden suggested that each settlement was the residence of an extended family or clan" (Cordell 1984:239).
The appearance of the unit pueblo around ad 750 was considered a major cultural boundary by Southwestern archaeologists throughout most of the twentieth century. But does this change in dwelling form reflect a significant change in social structure? Was the mode of dwelling in a unit Pueblo different than the mode of dwelling in a pithouse? Or, to restate these questions in terms of the theoretical framework proposed in chapter one: was the pithouse-to-pueblo transition simply a change in form (style), or was it actually a change in use (type) that marks a significant shift in social practices?
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